Nicaraguan elections fraught with tension,
reports of fraud
By PAUL JEFFREY
Special to the National Catholic Reporter
Signs of renewed political tensions began to surface in late
October as Nicaraguans waited for a recount of votes from presidential
elections held Oct. 20. Over the past two decades, this country has experienced
a people's revolution, a U.S.-backed counterrevolution and economic strife so
severe that Nicaragua ranks as one of the most underdeveloped nations in Latin
America.
Preliminary tallies from the Supreme Electoral Council suggested
that Arnoldo Alemán, from the Liberal Alliance party, claimed 49 percent
of the votes, a tally that would put him far enough ahead of the 38 percent
garnered by second-place contender, Sandinista candidate Daniel Ortega, to
avoid a second-round runoff.
High-profile delegations of international observers immediately
declared the elections free and fair. The United States and Central American
government officials congratulated Alemán.
These results were a reversal of a Sept. 28 Gallup poll that put
Ortega ahead of Alemán by six points, 42 to 36 percent. A Gallup survey
a month earlier had Alemán polling 34 percent of the vote, Ortega 30
percent.
Reports of electoral fraud and irregularities have surfaced
throughout Nicaragua. Ortega, who ran the country first as part of a junta then
as president during the decade following the 1979 Sandinista revolution that
ousted the brutal, 43-year dictatorship of Anastasio Somoza, refused to accept
Alemán as victor. Alemán's father and brother have been linked to
the Somoza regime.
With 10 other presidential contenders, Ortega demanded the
electoral council conduct a recount based on the signed statements of polling
officials present at voting tables during the election. That tally began Oct.
24 and was expected to last through the first week of November.
Meanwhile, a coalition of independent observers from solidarity,
religious and grassroots organizations working in Nicaragua issued a statement
through the Internet claiming that reports of irregularities cast "doubt on the
integrity of the electoral process." The groups also urged the international
community to "withhold judgment about the results of Nicaragua's elections
until the legal resolution of the process by the CSE (Supreme Electoral
Council) and its acceptance by the major parties."
Assemblies of God minister Guillermo Osorno, listed in third place
after Ortega, quipped: "You've got to be blind not to see the errors that
plagued the voting process from the very beginning." Osorno claimed that if
votes cast for him had been correctly tallied, the country would be planning a
second runoff between Alemán and Ortega.
Sandinista leaders contested the results of mayoral elections in
Managua, calling for an entirely new vote.
As for reports of fraud, one polling station tallied 325 votes
then claimed 1,433 of them had been cast for Alemán. Throughout the
country, reports surfaced of ballots arriving late to polling stations, of
individuals voting more than once, of lost ballot boxes, of discrepancies
between tallies of votes on the ground and of those produced by a centralized
computer data base.
Anomalies were reported at 1,200 of the 2,267 voting booths in
Managua alone, and results disappeared from 260 -- over 10 percent -- of these
stations. In both Managua and Matagalpa, Liberal Alliance party members hold
top posts on electoral councils.
Despite the confusion, Nicaragua's conservative Roman Catholic
bishops criticized the recount of the votes for president as unnecessary and
called on the CSE to recognize Alemán as the winner. Cardinal Miguel
Obando Bravo, Managua's archbishop, had implicitly endorsed Alemán two
days before the vote by allowing the candidate to read during a Mass held for
the success of the elections. Many Nicaraguan's interpreted a story Obando
Bravo told during his homily about a viper to be a reference to Ortega.
In the 1980s, Obando Bravo spoke strongly against the Sandinistas
and witnessed the closing by the revolutionary government of the archdiocesan
newspaper and radio.
Obando Bravo had previously warned against bitter and angry
rhetoric from candidates, stressing that such expressions lead to violence and
war.
Pre-electoral slants came from Washington. State Department
spokesman Nicholas Burns was quoted in the Nicaraguan press as saying that a
vast majority of U.S. citizens would not consider Ortega a democrat. U.S.
Ambassador to Nicaragua, John Maisto was quoted in the Nicaraguan daily La
Prensa saying the United States would be open to working with any winning
candidate that respected the rules of democracy.
The impact of Washington's assessment of Nicaraguan politics
cannot be underestimated. Political analysts attributed the 1990 electoral
demise of the Sandinistas and the victory of Violeta Barrios de Chamorro in
part to public fears. Nicaraguans, they said, reasoned that an electoral result
that displeased the U.S. government would bring Nicaraguans more strife in the
form of intensified economic sanctions and continued violence through further
U.S. support of the anti-Sandinista contra-revolutionaries.
Similar to 1990, economic improvement and peace lead the list of
concerns of the 1996 Nicaraguan electorate. Some analysts fear the doubts
surrounding the elections will exacerbate political polarity, not bring about
the minimum consensus needed to govern.
Presidential campaigns leading up to the elections reflected
concern over prevailing political tensions. Alemán attempted to temper
his own anti-Sandinista rhetoric by stating he was open to working with some
Sandinistas. He did, however, accept anti-Sandinista business leader Enrique
Bolanos as his vice-presidential candidate.
Ortega's campaign, meanwhile, was characterized by an attempt to
show that the Sandinistas represented anything but extremes. Claiming his party
was a place where Nicaraguans could "find the center," Ortega chose as his
running mate Juan Manuel Caldera, a non-Sandinista farmer whose land was
confiscated by the Sandinistas in the 1980s. Ortega further claimed the
Sandinistas had developed a new relationship with Washington characterized by
"a framework of respect, quality and justice."
The Sandinistas have also replaced their revolutionary song that
described the United States as an enemy of humankind with Beethoven's "Ode to
Joy." While they tried to depict themselves as moving toward the center, the
Sandinistas during the campaign associated Alemán with the extreme
right-wing Somoza legacy.
Paul Jeffrey is a freelance writer living in Honduras. Material
for this article was drawn from Latinamerica Press, based in Lima,
Peru.
National Catholic Reporter, November 15,
1996
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