EDITORIAL Arms race in Latin America a real possibility
The Clinton administration appears to be in the final stages of
deciding whether to lift a decades-old ban on sales of high technology weapons,
such as advanced fighter jets, to Latin America, raising fears of a new arms
race in the region.
The policy review, stimulated by pressure from U.S. arms
manufacturers, reportedly began two years ago. In the past six months the pace
picked up with the backing of former Defense Secretary William Perry. Only in
recent weeks, however, have North American religious leaders, fearing the
consequences of a policy change, begun to sound the alarm through church
channels.
Critics point out that a policy change could fuel a new arms race
in Latin America, diverting precious resources from social needs to new
military demands. They also say that lifting the ban will add fuel to
smoldering Latin American conflicts, perhaps inflaming minor border disputes
into regional wars.
The Clinton administration and major weapons makers contend,
meanwhile, that the blanket restrictions imposed in the 1970s are no longer
warranted because democracy is spreading. While U.S. weapons makers once argued
that if they did not sell their weapons to potential buyers, the Soviets might.
Now they simply say an arms embargo costs the United States jobs, in this case
by allowing other foreign competitors to gain in the Latin American arms
market.
Argentina, for its part, having made moves toward disarmament, is
adamantly opposed to relaxing the ban. Argentine officials say they have told
the Clinton administration they do not want to enter an expanded arms race with
Brazil and Chile.
The Argentines also maintain that Chile and Brazil, which have
expressed an interest in acquiring advanced fighter planes like the F-16, still
do not have full civilian control over their armed forces and thus are poorly
equipped to regulate the new military technology.
The New York Times reported last July a letter to Secretary
of State Warren Christopher signed by several U.S. senators who said that
"thousands of hardworking Americans depend on legitimate overseas defense
sales" and that "the administration should do everything possible to make sure
it is American working people who are producing the hardware purchased by our
friends in Latin America."
The senators noted that France had sold about 200 fighter aircraft
to seven Latin American countries in recent years and that the sale of 200
American-made fighters would represent more than $4 billion in exports and
provide 40,000 jobs.
The Times reported that Frank Simpson, vice president for
Latin America of Lockheed Martin Corp., which makes the F-16, said the United
States did a disservice to Latin American countries by forcing them to buy from
Europe and Asia.
It was the fear of sparking an arms race that caused the Carter
administration to issue Presidential Directive 13 in 1978. That directive
stated, in part, that the United States would not be the first supplier to
introduce into a region newly developed, advanced weapons systems that would
create a significantly higher combat capability.
It appears that two trends have emerged since the end of the Cold
War that have prompted arms makers to lobby for ending restrictions on arms
sales to Latin America. First, Pentagon weapons procurement dropped in the
years after the collapse of the Berlin Wall. Simultaneously, after decades of
dictatorial military rule, widespread human rights abuses and faltering
economies, nations in South America began electing their governments and
improving rights records. With the decline in sales to the Pentagon, arms
manufacturers began looking abroad for new export opportunities and saw a
chance to profit from the South American reforms.
Until now the Clinton administration has supported the high-tech
weapons ban for Latin America, saying in its own arms transfer policy
directive, PDD-34, released in February 1995, that any prospective arms sale
would have to take into account "consistency with U.S. regional stability
interests especially when considering transfers involving power projection
capability or introduction of a system which may foster increased tension or
contribute to an arms race."
Those who argue for lifting the ban say the United States has
unilaterally frozen itself out of the Latin American weapons market. This is
not true. According to the latest figures from the U.S. Arms Control and
Disarmament Agency, the United States concluded $2.4 billion worth of
agreements in the region during the years 1984-94. That is 26 percent of the
total. France, on the other hand, a country that is commonly cited as
outselling the United States in Latin America, concluded agreements for $1.5
billion.
It may be late but not too late to remind President Clinton that
if he truly cares about peace and stability, if he really cares about the
social development of the nations of the world, if he wants to be remembered as
the "education president," if he is to help his wife Hillary attend to the
needs of children, fueling new high tech military sales in Latin America is not
the way to go.
Lifting the ban will counter the region's civil society efforts to
bring powerful militaries under greater civilian control. It will divert
spending from much needed poverty alleviation to the military coffers. And it
will help destabilize the region. The ban was right in 1978. It is more than
right in 1998.
National Catholic Reporter, March 7,
1997
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