Cover
story Fugitive bishop wants pressure on Islamic Front
By ARTHUR JONES
NCR Staff Washington
Nothing seemingly penetrates the
indifference to genocide in Sudan. Not the cries of the hundreds of young girls
being raped or abducted as concubines. Not the death rattles of the school
children whose mountain villages have just been bombed or the moans of the
hordes of maimed people, stumping around on whats left of their bodies
after stepping on land mines planted by the government of Sudan. Not the
widespread rounding up of the people of entire villages who are then sold into
slavery, or the 600,000 persons displaced during the past five months. Not the
forced conversion of animists and Christians to Islam. Not the use of
starvation as a weapon of war and suppression. Not the 1.2 million people
wandering toward death in Bahr el Ghazal, the Nuba Mountains, the Blue Nile,
Upper Nile, Ingessena Hills and Eastern Equatoria if food relief is too long
delayed.
Everything augurs against anyone listening to the religious
persecution and suffering stemming from the 17-year-long civil war in
Sudan.
Westerners stumble over the names: Gassis and Wako. Abangite and
Nyiker. Taban and Tombe. Majak and Mazzolari. Menegazzo, Kur and Mutek. Western
ears dont even hear the pleas of these Sudanese bishops who issue
statements on atrocities and grievous injustices, statements soon shelved,
easily ignored.
Certainly Western governments issue their protests and support
ineffectual sanctions. But when the bishops of Sudan insist the Sudan
conflict does not differ from Kosovo, Sarajevo, East Timor and Sierra Leone,
where violations of human rights have prompted massive international
intervention, Western governments turn away from suggesting massive
international intervention.
The government of Sudan is Arab. It is Muslim. To Western minds,
Arab and Muslim equal oil. The Western view is: Best not rock the oil
tanker.
Sudan is the largest country in Africa; Christians are its
smallest minority. In the predominantly Muslim country of 27 million,
Christians probably number fewer than 4 million, less than one-sixth of the
population.
For those who think in terms of emergency relief aid -- aid that
the Sudan government tries to subvert -- the logistics are a nightmare. There
are few roads in a country so enormous that nine countries share its
boundaries. Starting at the top and moving counterclockwise, Sudans
neighbors are Egypt, Libya, Chad, Central African Republic, Democratic Republic
of the Congo, Uganda, Kenya, Ethiopa and Eritrea. At the northeast corner,
Sudan borders the Red Sea.
Sudans climate ranges from desert to equatorial swamp and
jungle. But it is religious politics, not geography and topography, that
governs Sudan today. Its extremist Islamic government is the National Islamic
Front, based in the nations capital, Khartoum. Khartoum is in the
east-central part of the country, at the meeting of the Blue Nile and the White
Nile.
The front achieved power through a coup in 1989 and declared the
rule of Islam.
Civil war in a nutshell
Sudans civil war, in a nutshell, has three elements:
resistance, religion and oil. First, the South -- predominately black African
and non-Muslim -- has demanded autonomy for decades from the Arab North. But
the Souths Sudan Peoples Liberation Army, the SPLA, has been unable
to defeat the National Islamic Fronts forces on Southern soil, and is
splintered into various strongholds by government incursions. Next, the South
deplores and resists the Khartoum-based governments
Islamization-or-extermination policies.
Finally, theres oil in Sudan, and the promise of more
discoveries ahead. That means more fighting because the government of Sudan
wants to control the oil, and the known deposits are generally in the
South.
For all these reasons, the minority black Africans of the South
have resisted. For their pains and liberation movements, they have bled. And
still they bleed.
The U.S. State Departments Office of International Religious
Freedom says Sudan suffers the worst religious persecution in the world.
And persecution on other grounds as well. They mean racial, ethnic and
tribal.
The story is complex. The witnesses are compelling.
One such witness is the plucky, outspoken Bishop Macram Max Gassis
-- a bishop on the run.
To enter his Sudan diocese from virtual exile, Gassis first has to
find between $8,000 and $13,000 to hire a plane to fly him in from Nairobi. He
has to enter under cover because the Sudan government has a warrant out for his
arrest.
Next, he needs a safe place to land -- safe meaning an area of his
El Obeid diocese not occupied by the pillaging soldiers of the National Islamic
Front or the equally wanton militias.
Finally Gassis has to enter clandestinely so that the
governments air force, consisting of old Soviet Antonov transports
converted into bombers, doesnt start dropping bombs wherever he goes.
Once in his diocese he is as public as can be. Soldiers opposed to
the National Islamic Front regime guard him 24 hours a day. Yet he dare not
stay too long, usually a week to 10 days at the most.
NCR interviewed Gassis early this year and has subsequently
contacted him by fax. A stocky, ruefully smiling man, Gassis is in North
America this month on a speaking tour and to attend premier showings of the
Windhover Forums documentary on his country, titled The Hidden
Gift: War and Faith in Sudan. The documentary will be shown at Georgetown
University and the University of San Francisco.
The 61-year-old Khartoum-born Gassis is the only Sudanese bishop
who speaks both colloquial and classical Arabic. He also speaks Italian,
English, and a little French. He says, he is trying to better his
German.
He uses his many languages to speak out wherever he gets a forum.
He does not court popularity. When you stand up and say things, he
said, starkly and without sugar coating, without mincing your words, that
isnt appreciated by people who like to use camouflage words and
diplomatic language. They dont want to hear the word
genocide.
They specifically means Sudans radical National
Islamic Front. Relying on contacts with Sudans bishops conference,
and with others around the country, Gassis is a leader in the thankless and
generally fruitless task of trying to generate an international public outcry
against the Khartoum-based governments brutality and persecution.
Gassis is vice president of the Sudanese bishops conference.
He has his U.S. admirers. U.S. Secretary of State Madeleine Albright has called
him the voice of the voiceless.
Thomas Farr, who directs the State Departments Office of
International Religious Freedom, calls the bishop a brave man. He gets
high marks for compassion properly placed, said Farr.
He cares for all
He takes care not only of Catholics but of all the people. I
have heard him in meetings, and he never does special pleading for the Catholic
constituency. He clearly has an important and difficult agenda for which he is
trying to get support from a wide variety of organizations and
governments.
Another major Gassis booster is human rights lawyer Bill Saunders,
who learned about Sudan in 1993, met the bishop in 1994, helped him for a
couple of years until, in spring 1999, Saunders formed the nonprofit Sudan
Relief and Rescue to publicize and fundraise.
Gassis is outspoken, said Saunders but
thats his obligation as a bishop. Hes got to speak out for his
flock. Jesus knew who wanted to kill the prophets. Prophets irritate people.
They tell the truth and they dont shut up.
The U.S. Commission on Interreligious Freedom, created by
Congress, finds Gassis an excellent source on Sudan. Lawrence Goodrich, the
commissions communications director, said the commissioners regard
Gassis, who has testified before them, as an intelligent, effective and
sympathetic witness. Certainly his information is credible. Gassis
backers in the U.S. Congress include Sen. Sam Brownback, R-Kan., and Rep. Frank
Wolf, R-Va.
Gassis testimony is constant: The National Islamic Front, he
declares, seeks to either destroy the non-Muslim, mainly non-Arab and generally
African animist and Christian population of the South, or subjugate the people
sufficiently to Islamize them, while attempting to radicalize the moderate
Muslims.
Left alone, said Gassis, his diocese, El Obeid, one of
Sudans largest cities, is a peaceable settlement of Arabs and Africans,
Muslims, animists and Christians in the middle of a vast stretch of barren
desert. But, Gassis said, the National Islamic Front does not want harmony. It
wants total submission at any cost. The Islamic government bombed an El Obeid
diocesan parochial school in February in the heavily Christian Nuba Mountains.
The 19 dead children were first graders of all beliefs -- Catholics,
Protestants, Muslims and adherents to indigenous religions.
The governments anti-Catholic depredations are constant.
In June, government police ransacked Comboni College in Khartoum.
The college has been described as the nerve center for all Catholic-run
learning institutions in Sudan.
In July, Sudans secret police abducted, tortured and then
released a White Fathers lay missionary student from Mexico. The Khartoum
government may have been behind a May fire that gutted half the Catholic
bishops conference building in the nations capital. The government
stepped up its air attacks Aug. 22 when 12 bombs dropped on the Narus Catholic
mission in southern Sudan injuring a nurse and children.
In vicious ground assaults, government troops make incursions into
the South and the Nuba Mountains regions, displace the population and destroy
the villages. Starvation and internal migration result. Hungry internal
refugees then make their way toward the capital, Khartoum, and other northern
cities.
There, said Gassis, Christians and other non-Muslims in
government-controlled areas, are under stress, under surveillance and
under persecution. Their movement is controlled. They are falsely accused and
imprisoned.
Gassis continued, We on the other side, in the liberated
areas (not under National Islamic Front control) have some freedom of movement
and speech, but were scared because of the aerial bombardment, the
anti-personnel mines and sudden attacks from either the Khartoum army or
Islamic militia.
It is genocide. It is genocide when you throw bombs at
innocents, said Gassis, when you massacre indiscriminately, when
the young women and girls are abducted for sexual pleasure, children kept as
slaves, families sold as slaves, adolescents brainwashed, given military
training and told to go out and kill their own.
Sudans Catholics are served by perhaps 150 priests --
approximately one priest to 26,000 Catholics -- many of them expatriates and
most of them working in the north, Gassis said.
Gassis grew up as one of the Christian minority. Educated by the
Comboni Missionaries, seminarian Gassis studied philosophy at Oxford, England,
and in Verona, Italy, with three years theology in Milan, Italy, where he
was ordained in 1964. By 1968 he was archdiocesan chancellor in Khartoum.
After serving as general secretary of the Sudanese bishops
conference from 1973-80, Gassis studied canon law at the Catholic University of
America in Washington. He returned to Sudan in the early 1980s. His close U.S.
friends include a former classmate, Arlington, Va., Bishop Paul Loverde.
When the Vatican informed Gassis he was to be the El Obeid
dioceses new apostolic administrator, he said, I was not impressed.
I knew conditions in the diocese were terrible, that the government was
confiscating the churchs land. When I was told I was succeeding the
archbishop, I at first refused.
His fellow bishops pressed him to accept, and he said he would,
but only for four years. He tried to resign after four years, but Rome said no.
By then the man who didnt want to be bishop was already pushing back
against the quasi-democratic anti-Christian government.
In 1988, Gassis testified before a U.S. Congressional Committee on
Africa about the worsening human rights situation in southern Sudan. That was
the source of the major criminal charge against Gassis, leading to the
governments warrant for his arrest. Gassis stands accused of
ruining Sudans reputation before a foreign nation.
In June the following year, Gassis was in Austria when his
Catholic friend Bona Malwal, information minister in Sudans nominally
democratic government, called him from Germany to say thered been a
coup.
I said, Thank God, recalled Gassis,
until Bona told me a radical Islamic regime had taken over. Malwal said,
These are the ones who are truly going to crucify us.
Malwal is now living in exile in London where he publishes the
Sudan Democratic Gazette.
The government moved against Gassis priests, expelling the
Maryknollers and Missionaries of Charity, and Comboni Missionaries, both
priests and sisters, from the Nuba Mountains and Dinka communities. (The
Dinkas, at about 1 million people, are the major tribal group in multitribal
African Sudan.)
In the 1990s, Gassis, diagnosed with cancer, was treated at
Georgetown University Hospital. He returned to Sudan in 1995. He did not
immediately go to El Obeid but surreptitiously visited my brother
bishops and dioceses across the country before telling them,
Im going back to take care of my diocese.
When in El Obeid, he said, I remain as long as I can. I make
it short but once there I try to make it open. The openness infuriates
Khartoum.
Two years ago he was no sooner back in El Obeid to be with his
flock for Christmas than the bombing began. He stayed 10 days. Then he had to
call Nairobi and order the plane back in to pick him up.
Gassis keeps the pressure on. He was in El Obeid this past Easter
and probably will be back at Christmas, he said, opportunity and
airfare permitting.
Arthur Jones e-mail address is
ajones@natcath.org
National Catholic Reporter, November 17,
2000
|