Viewpoint Why deterrence is better than missile shield
By CHARLES DAVIS
For the past five decades, the
United States has relied on a policy of nuclear deterrence as a way of averting
nuclear war. U.S. and Soviet leaders knew that if either fired nuclear weapons
at the other, mass mutual destruction would be the result.
It was a Faustian bargain, but it worked.
President George Bush and his secretary of defense, Donald
Rumsfeld, would now have us believe that the policy is outdated, arguing that
it does not work to deter small rogue nations like Iraq. What we
need now, Bush and Rumsfeld have consistently said, is a layered missile
defense shield to protect the United States and its allies against the threat
of rogue states.
The proposal is vague. It is based on weapons of unknown numbers
and types, as well as unknown modes of deployment. Yet to get what he wants,
Bush is willing to not only abandon deterrence -- a policy that, however
controversial, has served both us and the Soviets well -- but also to
unilaterally abrogate the 1972 Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty.
Further, the administration wants to back NATO expansion to
include even states in the former USSR such as Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania.
Over such expansion, Russia would have no veto.
Bushs plan is based on two false premises and threatens
Russias security to the point of creating world instability.
Lets look at those false premises.
1) Bush falsely asserts that deterrence is no assurance against
missile attacks from small rogue nations like Iraq. Saddam Hussein, he argues,
is too irrational to be deterred by the power of a U.S. arsenal.
Recent history, however, suggests the opposite
As evidence of Saddams irrationality, Bushs supporters
like to point out that Saddam has used chemical weapons against Iran and even
against his own people and that, in an act of revenge when withdrawing from
Kuwait in 1991, he created an ecological disaster by setting fire to hundreds
of oil wells.
What Bush and his supporters fail to point out, though, is how
deterrence has been effective even against Saddam. In the Gulf War and since,
the Iraqi leader has avoided stepping over any line that was likely to tempt
the United States to unleash its nuclear arsenal. Saddam probably heeded
warnings by the first President George Bush that use of poison gas against U.S.
troops in countries that bordered Iraq would mean the end of Iraq.
2) Our current President Bush also falsely asserts that Russia
would not be threatened by the missile defense shield he proposes.
Unfortunately, people speaking for the administration consistently
ignore what Russia cannot ignore: The defense shield Bush proposes could allow
the United States to launch a first strike and then be prepared to intercept
whatever missiles Russia had left to launch against us.
As a retired analyst of Soviet political and military affairs, I
believe that Bushs plan leaves Russian leaders with legitimate security
concerns.
From Moscows viewpoint, Russias conventional military
forces are incapable of quelling the rebellion in Chechnya, much less of
stopping a potential invasion from Western Europe. Their combat aircraft rarely
fly; their ships rarely sail and their submarines cant leave port without
the danger of blowing themselves up.
At the same time, the overwhelming superiority demonstrated by
U.S. conventional forces in the last decade, combined with its robust nuclear
forces, puts Russias weakening nuclear deterrent at great risk even
before the proposed missile shield is put in place. Looking toward the future,
Moscow must be concerned about its security in case of a first strike by the
United States. If the United States were to launch a first strike with land-
and sea-based ballistic missiles, backed up by air- and sea- based cruise
missiles and stealth bombers, we could destroy a substantial portion of the
Russian missiles capable of hitting the United States. The Russian strategic
missiles remaining could be intercepted by U.S. missile defenses based on land,
at sea, in the air and from space. In effect, then, Russia would have no
realistic deterrent.
Behind the reasons the Bush administration is giving to the public
for its proposed missile shield, I see two unspoken objectives.
First, there is a concern, left over from the Gulf War, that if we
had tried to invade Iraq, our deterrent would no longer have inhibited Saddam
from launching his weapons of mass destruction at our troops and at neighboring
countries. After all, an invasion and conquest of the country would have meant
Saddam had no place to hide. If he was to be doomed by an invasion, his
reasoning might go, why not take his enemies down with him. But with a missile
defense in place, the United States would be able to invade with impunity a
rogue nation like Iraq in a future conflict, even if that rogue
nation possessed missiles with nuclear warheads. This seems to be the main U.S.
reason for deploying missile defenses against rogue states. Although deterrence
may prevent rogue states from launching missiles of mass destruction against
neighboring states and against the United States, it would not deter a suicidal
launch of missiles by rogue states should the United States invade their
country.
Second, a broadening of the U.S. missile shield would facilitate
NATOS expansion in Eastern Europe and the Baltic states under the
umbrella of a U.S. capability to mount a pre-emptive nuclear strike. The
prospect of Russias escalation to nuclear weapons against such an
expansion would no longer pose a threat to the continental United States.
Among important points the Bush administration seems to be
ignoring: what may be a stable leadership in Moscow today could turn highly
unstable tomorrow. Bushs plan would introduce such instability into the
world that the prospects of nuclear war would increase to a level not seen
since the potentially disastrous Cuban missile crisis in 1962. I believe that
crisis was triggered by a U.S.superiority of 5-1 in strategic missiles and a
superiority of 15-1 in bombers capable of striking the USSR. Today, the
Russians can realistically fear that, over time, the Bush administration hopes
to achieve total strategic nuclear dominance for the United States.
Why should Russias potential security concern us? Because
the threat of escalation to full-scale nuclear war with Russia is of far
greater danger than a small nuclear attack from a rogue nation. Fear of
triggering an attack by Russias nuclear weapons should guide our strategy
of defense far more than fear of attack by weapons of rogue states.
Press reports after the meeting of Presidents Bush and Vladamir
Putin at the G-8 conference in Genoa, Italy, last month indicated that both
countries would consult, not negotiate on future levels of
offensive and defensive strategic weapons. But the administration also made
clear that the United States will withdraw from the Anti-Ballistic Missile
Treaty, will not reduce its offensive missile forces to the levels desired by
Moscow, and will not be limited in the types of missile defenses the U.S. will
deploy in the future.
Even though Washington may be able to persuade the current regime
in Moscow to cooperate on missile defense, in the future an unstable Russian
government could face a variety of crises. These include paranoia in Russia
over expansion of NATO, future internal revolt in states like Chechnya, and the
possibility of economic collapse if oil prices should fall dramatically. Any of
these events could provoke panic in Moscow, particularly if the United States
were able to assert its advantage over Russias disarray by having the
potential to launch a first strike. Like Saddam, the Russian leaders would be
facing a massive deterioration and/or destruction of their country. Why, then,
would these Russian leaders be inhibited from taking their enemies down with
them by launching a massive pre-emptive nuclear attack?
Thus, unlimited U.S. missile defense capabilities increase the
possibility of U.S.-Russian conflict. After all, with the attitude of the Bush
administration -- a refusal to negotiate limits on defensive forces and
unilateral withdrawal from a core treaty Moscow sees as so necessary for its
security -- what can Moscow count on?
French President Jacques Chirac had it right. He has reportedly
expressed sharp dismay with Bushs proposal to withdraw from the
Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty. Chirac pointed out that the treaty had served as
an indispensable element in the global security structure for three decades and
should not be lightly discarded.
Charles N. Davis served as an anti-submarine warfare pilot with
the Navy in the late1950s. Until the early 1990s, he was an analyst of Soviet
affairs with the Defense Intelligence Agency and the National Intelligence
Council. His e-mail address is cndppm@aol.com
National Catholic Reporter, August 10,
2001
|