Landowners, peasants in fight for
land
By PAUL JEFFREY
Tegucigalpa, Honduras
Wealthy landowners on the fertile northern coast of Honduras have
taken up a collection to finance the assassination of a U.S. priest who has
supported the invasion of farmland by landless peasants and accused the
countrys wealthiest man of murder, church activists say.
The head of Fr. Peter Marchetti is now worth 500,000
lempiras (about $32,000 U.S. currency). The killer who manages to
assassinate him will get that money, Juan Antonio Mejia, a social worker
with the diocese of Trujillo, told NCR.
Marchetti, a 55-year-old Jesuit from Omaha, Neb., was until May
the pastor in Tocoa. Nestled in the fertile Aguan Valley in the north of
Honduras, the parish has been the scene of violent confrontations between rich
and poor people. With encouragement from the church, the poor people in the
Aguan Valley took the Jubilee Year seriously, converting the zone into a
laboratory for agrarian reform in a region where access to decent farmland
remains but a dream for the poor majority.
The most dramatic moment came at midnight on May 14, 2000, when a
group of 700 landless families overran government troops to invade a former
military base that the U.S. government constructed in the 1980s to train
regional armies. The peasants, many of whom lost their simple homes to
Hurricane Mitch in 1998, claim the former base should be given to them by the
government. While the governments agrarian reform ministry agrees, a
group of cattle ranchers that purchased the land in 1991 at a fraction of the
lands real value exercises extraordinary economic and political power in
the zone. The ranchers met the peasant invaders with gunfire.
Yet by the time the sun came up the next day, the feast day of San
Isidro, the patron saint of the peasant, the land was claimed by the peasants.
Soon their huts of palm fronds began to resemble homes. They built a school
atop cement foundations where U.S. advisers once taught counterinsurgency
techniques. They banned alcohol, and organized teams to supervise health, food
production, security and education.
Their presence provoked an angry response from the landowners.
Tension between the two groups escalated until a gunfight broke out in July,
during which Diogenes Osorto, one of the ranchers, died with an AK-47 in his
hands. Osortos family and other ranchers blamed Marchetti, who has
provided moral and material support to the peasants.
Marchetti suggests hes a scapegoat. Weve opened
up significant space for citizen participation. Without the church I dont
think this would have happened, the priest told NCR in a June
interview. Have I spent a lot of time in this personally? No. Do I make
the decisions? No. Am I a symbol in a very religious culture that it might be
just and godly to distribute resources to the poor? Yes.
The threats havent dissuaded Marchetti from taking his role
seriously. Indeed, hes stepped up the battle, accusing local landowners
of profiting from transportation through the region of cocaine bound for the
United States.
Marchetti points to one airstrip in particular. Its located
on a huge estate near the former military base, owned by Miguel Facusse, the
wealthiest man in Honduras. Yet can Marchetti prove that Facusse, the uncle of
Honduran President Carlos Flores, is a drug trafficker? If the cocaine
lands on your airstrip all the time, and you have control over your airstrip,
then whats going on? Marchetti asked. Drugs are good
business. It may not be good for the national economy but its certainly
good business for the individuals who transport it.
Marchetti also claims that Facusse was behind the 1997 killing of
Carlos Escaleras, a Catholic delegate of the word and a political activist who
challenged Facusses plans to install an African palm oil processing plant
on the disputed former military base. Facusse has denied the charges, yet
church workers claim that the judge investigating Escaleras death has
received sufficient evidence to indict Facusse and several allies, including
two Congress deputies from the zone. Nevertheless, the countrys judicial
authorities have prevented progress by repeatedly rotating responsibility for
the investigation. To date, 10 prosecutors and four judges have been involved
in the case. Every time they get ready to move on the evidence, the
countrys Supreme Court transfers the case to new personnel. Facusse
plays musical chairs with the prosecutors and judges in order to avoid
prosecution, Marchetti claimed.
Far from Tocoa
Catholic activists finally convinced the countrys attorney
general to create a special investigator for the case. But after repeated
threats, Luis Canteano, the man given the job, was transferred to Ocotepeque,
about as far away as one can get from Tocoa without leaving Honduras.
Theres no shortage of witnesses. According to Berta Oliva,
coordinator of the Committee of Relatives of the Detained and Disappeared, the
judge currently assigned the case, Marcos Clara, has four times refused to take
a deposition from an unnamed witness who can prove that the money paid to
Escaleras killers came from a chemical plant owned by Facusse.
Given the legal procrastination, Marchetti has taken it upon
himself to demand justice for the killers of Escaleras. But Marchetti said the
more he pushes to solve the killing, the more threats he receives. His Jesuit
superiors, hoping to cool tensions down, ordered Marchetti to leave Tocoa
against his will last November. He returned briefly. He has been out of the
country in recent weeks.
Mejia said the church knows of at least three killers who
are looking for Fr. Marchetti. He said that two of them were waiting for
him in the village of Carbonales in late May when Marchetti arrived to
celebrate Mass. Mejia said parishioners warned Marchetti, who immediately left
the village.
Mejia said local ranchers have taken a collection to raise the
bounty money. The price on the fathers head is being paid by people
who dont want justice and development in the valley. Fr. Marchetti has
worked hard so that justice could flower in this area so mistreated by the
corrupt elite of the country, Mejia said.
On May 29, officials of the Jesuits Central American
Province moved Marchetti out of Tocoa for good, appointing him to head a
regional team of social analysts based in El Progreso, 200 kilometers to the
west. And in June, the Committee of Relatives of the Detained and Disappeared
asked the Washington-based Inter American Human Rights Commission, a division
of the Organization of American States, to order the Honduran government to
protect Marchetti as well as a witness and a Honduran rights activist involved
in the case. We dont believe that we should have to wait for people
to die before anyone takes legal action, Oliva said.
Marchetti has been lauded for his courage. Leo Valladares, the
National Human Rights commissioner, an autonomous government official, last
year awarded Marchetti his yearly human rights award. A close colleague of
Marchetti, who acknowledged that the U.S. priest can at times be a
self-righteous pain in the ass to work with, said such high visibility
has helped save the priests life. Killing Peter would draw
disastrous attention to the corruption and inequalities that have long governed
the Aguan Valley. I think the only reason Peter is still alive is that
[President] Flores sent out an order not to touch him, simply because the
president doesnt want to face the bad press that [Marchettis]
assassination would draw, the colleague said.
The bishop of Trujillo, Virgilio López Irias, told
NCR that Marchetti had his full confidence. Hes been working
well with the peasants as part of the churchs belief that the poor need
access to land. I dont know why people are so upset with Peter. Perhaps
theyre misinterpreting his work. The church is not against any group, but
we do believe that the poor have legitimate rights that must be respected
within the framework of the law, López said.
Marchetti said he wasnt worried about his personal safety.
I depend on the people. When the new contract on me came out, I got word
of it immediately, the priest said. People are afraid to talk, but
there are a lot of eyes. And a lot of hearts that are with what were
trying to do.
Marchetti said one positive note to his permanent departure from
Tocoa is that it will prove that Im not the instigator, that
Im not necessary for the changes to go forward.
Marchetti isnt the first U.S. priest to provoke controversy
in Tocoa. The parish was served in the 70s by James Carney, a Jesuit who
encouraged peasant organizations and was deported by the Honduran military in
1979. Popularly known as Padre Guadalupe, Carney spent a few years
in revolutionary Nicaragua and then re-entered Honduras in 1983 as chaplain of
a guerrilla column. Although the exact details of his fate remain unclear,
Carney was captured and executed by U.S.-assisted Honduran troops.
According to Marchetti, who lived in Nicaragua in the 1980s and
rankled Sandinista officials with his criticism of the shortcomings of their
agrarian reform, the church can help encourage new attitudes that facilitate
authentic agrarian change. Weve got to allow the most subversive
side of a landless peasant to come out, Marchetti said.
Theyve got to work toward autonomy. Weve got to encourage
their dignity, convince them they dont need a boss. Marchetti said
that means encouraging the family farm model, in which labor is carried out by
adults and children together.
If women had a vote
Marchetti said a second element of successful land reform that has
often been lacking in the region is the equal participation of women.
That means their names are on the titles, and they have equal votes in
all the decisions, he said.
Vast tracts of land in the Aguan Valley were awarded to landless
peasants under land reform carried out by the Honduran military in the 1960s.
Yet along came wealthy landowners like Facusse who over the course of several
years bought it from the poor for a song.
If the peasant women had enjoyed a say in the matter, they
wouldnt have sold the land, Marchetti argued. For a
traditional peasant man, the temptation is always there to sell the land
because then you can buy your own gun, you can have another woman, and you can
buy a car which will break down in six months because you dont know how
to drive it or how to take care of it. When the men in this area sold their
land to Facusse, the women were against it, but their vote didnt count
back then. Today things have changed.
Marchettis efforts for land reform and justice for the
killers of Escaleras seem separate issues, yet the priest believes if each
thread is pulled hard enough, then the whole structure of privilege and
corruption that makes Honduras one of the poorest countries in the hemisphere
may unravel.
You dont do much just cutting the weeds off above the
ground, because the plant remains alive. The only way to eliminate corruption
is to root it out completely, Marchetti said. And weve got to
work at the same time to make it harder for corruption to grow anew. The
fertile soil for corruption is a population that is not organized, thats
poor and desperate. When the poor get organized, and have hope, then the rich
have a hard time getting away with all sorts of crimes, including
murder.
Paul Jeffrey is a freelance journalist living in
Honduras.
Related Web site |
Committee of Relatives of the Detained and
Disappeared www.cofadeh.org |
National Catholic Reporter, October 12,
2001
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