Polish church faces questions about role under
communism
JONATHAN LUXMOORE
Warsaw, Poland
When a group of Polish bishops met the pope during a mid-March
pilgrimage to Rome, the air was thick with praise for the churchs role in
John Paul IIs homeland. Yet this image could soon be shaken, as evidence
comes to light about less heroic aspects of the churchs past.
Thirteen years after communist rule collapsed, a much-predicted
fall in Mass attendance hasnt materialized. Priestly vocations have even
risen, and opinion polls show respect for the churchs leaders.
Yet the Polish churchs inscrutable facade has been dented by
negative publicity, including charges of sex abuse by clergy and misuse of
church funds. But the most serious problem for the church and its image in
Polish society could arise from the questions being asked about the
churchs role during the communist period.
Much now depends on how church people react, commented
Jesuit Fr. Dariusz Kowalczyk.
If they tackle these problems honestly, the churchs
authority could even increase, since itll emerge as a community with
enough internal strength to confess its faults. However, if it lacks this inner
strength, it could be forced to cleanse itself by harsh and painful
criticism.
The Jesuit was reacting to media claims that a Polish archbishop,
Juliusz Paetz, had sexually molested seminarians in his western Poznan
archdiocese. Paetz, who denies the accusations, announced his resignation March
28.
The scandal over the archbishop hasnt been the only setback
in recent months.
In February, a Salesian priest was arrested on charges of
embezzling $20 million from a bank in Legnica, while in January, another priest
was beaten by parishioners after being accused of misusing church funds.
In spring 2001, sex abuse investigations against a priest from
Tylawa were dropped at the urging of his archbishop. This January, an ex-priest
from Lodz was ordered to apologize by a court after accusing his archdiocese in
a newspaper article of using charity funds to bankroll episcopal
extravaganzas.
Most important, new questions are being asked about the Polish
churchs role under communism, and whether its flawless image as a
defender of freedom was warranted.
Communist rule was imposed in Soviet-occupied Poland after World
War II and lasted till 1989. The Catholic church, to which 95 percent of Poles
belong, defended human rights through the long years and won concessions for
itself for calming popular frustrations.
Yet the minutes of a church-state commission, published in the
mid-1990s, suggested negotiators from both sides had cooperated amicably,
especially after the rise of the Solidarity movement in 1980.
Potential embarrassments could be even greater in the murky world
of agents and informers.
Up to 10 percent of Catholic priests are believed to have
collaborated with a communist-controlled Patriot Priests
organization during the post-war Stalinist period, while surviving archives
suggest as many as one in four was in contact with Polands
secret police, the SB.
In a letter a year ago to Polands Gazeta Wyborcza
daily, a former interior minister, Gen. Czeslaw Kiszczak, said he had agreed to
the destruction of documents presenting many clergy in an unfavorable
light when church-state relations were normalized in 1989.
But two thick files survived in the Interior Ministry,
Kiszczak added. One of them contained names.
Andrzej Grajewski, a Catholic historian, believes SB recruitment
intensified in the stormy 1980s, when some priests acted as informers while
denouncing communism from their pulpits. He estimates the secret police
operated 200 church agents in each of Polands 22 counties, and that
several still hold senior church posts and are vulnerable to blackmail.
The church would be wise to collect the facts itself, Grajewski
argues, before theyre revealed by sensation-seekers.
Though the heroic resisters were more numerous, there were
also traitors in the church, the historian told NCR. Since
theyre guilty of grave sins against society, they should apologize and
accept the consequences. People who collaborated shouldnt be holding
important church positions.
Church leaders elsewhere in Eastern Europe have attempted to weed
out former agents.
In the Czech Republic, priest-collaborators were suspended or
transferred to remote parishes after 1989, while in former East Germany the
church set up a commission to study agent lists from Stasi secret police
archives.
In Poland, however, church leaders have been unwilling to confront
the issue.
In 1993, the bishops conference branded collaboration a
sin against the nation. Meanwhile, in May 2001, Polands
Catholic primate, Cardinal Jozef Glemp, publicly admitted some priests had been
importuned or blackmailed while others had shown a
far-reaching loyalty to communist power for the sake of a
quiet life or a few wretched coins.
Yet although SB files are now being opened by a newly created
National Remembrance Institute, church leaders have been more interested in
what they reveal about the glory of Catholic martyrdom than the shame of
Catholic collaboration. Our church isnt afraid of a good historical
analysis, which would present the truth in both light and shadow, said
Jesuit Fr. Adam Szulc, spokesman for the Polish Bishops Conference.
But the Polish church was the engine of change, which led to
the recovery of freedom throughout Eastern Europe. Lets deal with the
facts, rather than just looking for holes in a seamless garment.
Jonathan Luxmoore is a freelance writer living in
Warsaw.
National Catholic Reporter, April 5,
2002
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