Church in
Crisis Cardinals promise tough policy on abuse
By JOHN L. ALLEN JR.
Rome
At the close of a hastily organized, dramatic summit on the sex
abuse crisis, American cardinals and virtually the entire Vatican brain trust
seem to have decided on a get tough approach. The idea applies not
only to abuser priests, but to homosexuality in the priesthood and doctrinal
dissent in the church.
The U.S. bishops also publicly acknowledged, for the first time
since the crisis broke, their failure to act as good managers. In a brief
letter to American priests, the bishops wrote: We regret that episcopal
oversight has not been able to preserve the church from this scandal.
The April 23 and 24 summit produced two documents: a brief letter
from the American bishops to U.S. priests, and a final
communiqué outlining areas of agreement.
All 13 American cardinals took part, along with Bishops Wilton
Gregory and Richard Skylstad, the president and vice-president of the American
bishops conference. Also in the room was Msgr. William Fay, the executive
secretary for the American bishops.
On the Vatican side, eight top officials took part, including all
the heavy-hitters: Cardinals Angelo Sodano, secretary of state; Joseph
Ratzinger, head of the doctrinal office; Giovannia Battisat Re, who runs the
office for bishops; and Darío Castrillón Hoyos, the
Vaticans top official for clergy.
The pope convened the opening meeting, but did not directly
participate in the working sessions.
In the end, the summit did not result in a comprehensive new
approach to the sex abuse issue. It did, however, offer some big
picture guidance for the American bishops ahead of their June meeting in
Dallas, where they are expected to wrestle significantly with the sex abuse
issue.
Most important, the discussions may have forestalled the
possibility that Rome might veto whatever the Americans adopt in June, although
the summits final document included a pledge from the American bishops to
submit their new policies to Rome for formal approval.
Washington Cardinal Theodore E. McCarrick described the consensus
in five points:
- Take care of victims first, offering whatever assistance is
required.
- A priest credibly accused of abuse should be immediately
removed from ministry.
- Civil authorities should be informed.
- The priest should be sent to a therapist for treatment.
- Each diocese should have a review board, composed mostly of
laypeople such as physicians and the victims of sexual abuse or their parents,
to participate in the handling of these cases.
John Paul II set the get tough tone in an opening
address. People need to know that there is no place in the priesthood and
religious life for those who would harm the young, he said.
The pope also said that society rightly considers sexual abuse a
crime, a signal that the Vatican is moving away from seeing clergy sex abuse
largely as a spiritual problem to be handled inside the church.
McCarrick told reporters April 24 that the popes comments
struck him as a clear papal endorsement of a zero tolerance
policy.
At the same time, however, the pope also urged the bishops not to
forget the power of Christian conversion, seeming to leave open the
door to a more flexible policy with offender priests.
It was an ambiguity that ran through the discussions.
In the end, the bishops left Rome still divided on the question of
whether a zero tolerance policy should apply to all cases, present
and past, and whether it should apply to all forms of sexual abuse, or be
restricted to the most heinous acts of pedophilia.
Skylstad told NCR in an April 24 interview that the
summits strong preference was for a one strike and youre out
approach, but the details will have to be spelled out when the U.S.
bishops meet in Dallas in June.
The summits concluding document also called for a speedier
process to defrock a notorious priest, meaning a serial pedophile
-- someone who abuses a number of young children -- and for a special
process for priests who are judged by a bishop to present a real threat
to young people.
The result seemed to lean toward the American position in a
long-standing dispute between many U.S. bishops and the Vatican.
American prelates have long complained that the defrocking process
outlined in canon law is long and cumbersome, and that while a priest pursues
appeals the bishop is obliged to provide financial support. The Vatican, on the
other hand, has traditionally insisted on sticking to canon law as the best
guarantee of an accused priests due process rights.
Perhaps the most surprising language in the concluding document,
however, was its call for extra vigilance from bishops on doctrinal
dissent.
The pastors of the church need clearly to promote the
correct moral teaching of the church, the statement said, and
publicly to reprimand individuals who spread dissent and groups which advance
ambiguous approaches to pastoral care.
In this sense, the summit appeared to ratify what has been a core
element of the conservative analysis of the sex abuse crisis, that it reflects
confusion and ambiguity in the church on sexual morality.
Another nod to the conservative view came in a recommendation for
an apostolic visitation -- meaning a Vatican investigation -- of
American seminaries, with particular attention to the need for fidelity
to the churchs teaching and the need for a deeper study of
the criteria of suitability of candidates to the priesthood.
Though the language is indirect, observers took this point as an
oblique way of calling for a much tougher policy concerning the admission of
homosexuals to seminary study.
Gregory lent weight to this perception during an April 23 press
briefing, acknowledging the existence of a homosexual atmosphere or
dynamic in some seminaries that causes heterosexuals to think
twice before entering.
Gregory called for an ongoing struggle to be sure that the
Catholic priesthood is not dominated by homosexual men.
Conservative Catholic commentators, noting that many of the
instances of sexual abuse that have come to light in recent months involve
priests and adolescent boys, have argued that tolerance of a homosexual
subculture in the priesthood was partly to blame. Here again, the summit
endorsed that view.
The usual liberal critique, which links the sexual abuse crisis
with issues such as mandatory celibacy and the exclusion of women from the
priesthood, cuts far less ice behind the summits closed doors.
Participants told reporters these themes were largely ignored.
Also off the table was the question of Cardinal Bernard Laws
resignation. Law apparently offered an opening apology to his brother bishops,
acknowledging that if it were not for his mistakes they might not find
themselves at such a summit. After that, however, participants said no one
raised the issue.
On April 22, the day before the summit opened, the Los Angeles
Times quoted an unnamed cardinal to the effect that some Americans intended
to make the case for Laws removal to the pope.
Once the story broke, however, one cardinal after another denied
being its source, and in the end McCarrick called the account made out of
whole cloth.
If Law survived, however, he was not visibly strengthened. He was
an invisible man outside the proceedings, not appearing at press briefings or
public events, and refusing to make himself available to the media, despite the
vast concentration of Boston-area TV, radio and print journalists on hand.
Though neither document mentioned an expanded role for laypeople
in reviewing and implementing policies on sexual abuse, McCarrick said in
response to an NCR question, that this was an editing oversight.
Stafford said there were constant references inside
the summit to the need to bring laity into the process, both from the
curia and from the U.S.
Media interest from the United States was intense, with one
portion of a large piazza in front of St. Peters Square cordoned off for
all the satellite trucks dispatched by American networks. CNN flew in two of
its top guns, Connie Chung and Jonathan Mann, to cover the event.
The media circus elicited puzzled responses from many Italians,
who have not responded to the sexual abuse story with anything approaching the
same zeal. Many Italian papers covered the summit more as an American media
story than for the substance of the meeting.
John Paul II called the Americans to Rome on Tuesday, April 16,
leaving a scant five days to organize the event. This represented light speed
for an organization that thinks in centuries, one sign that the
pope grasps the seriousness of the American situation.
The four-person drafting committee that prepared the concluding
document was composed of McCarrick and Skylstad on the American side, and
Castrillón and Archbishop Tarcisio Bertone, Ratzingers top aide,
for the Vatican.
John L. Allen Jr. is NCR Rome correspondent. His e-mail
address is jallen@natcath.org
National Catholic Reporter, May 3, 2002
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