Like old days U.S. role
in Venezuela coup under scrutiny
By BART JONES
Guatemala in 1954. Chile in 1973. Nicaragua in the 1980s. The list
is long of efforts by the United States to overthrow democratically elected
governments in Latin America or destabilize governments it disliked.
Now, as new details emerge of the April 12 coup détat
that ousted President Hugo Chávez of oil-rich Venezuela for 48 hours,
critics are asking whether the United States or its Central Intelligence Agency
played a role.
In the post-World War II era, of the 30 or so major coups in
Latin America, there hasnt been one in which the CIA has not been
involved, said Larry Birns of the Council on Hemispheric Affairs, a
liberal think-tank in Washington. Why should this one be
different?
U.S. officials emphatically deny they played any part in
Chávezs temporary removal from power and say they fully support
democracy in Latin America. Still, Venezuelan and U.S. authorities have
launched investigations into a possible U.S. role in the upheaval.
Chávez asserts that the failed coup included plans to
assassinate him. He also suggests that a foreign hand, perhaps that of the
United States, may have been involved in his ouster.
If that turns out to be true, it would mark a sharp reversal of
recent U.S. policy toward the region. Throughout the 20th century, the United
States backed dozens of coups and movements aimed at destroying left-wing
governments, even those elected in free and fair votes.
A CIA-backed coup in 1954 overthrew the democratically elected
president of Guatemala, Jacobo Arbenz, ushering in a 30-year civil war that
left 200,000 people dead. Another CIA-backed coup in 1973 ousted Chiles
president, Salvador Allende, the first democratically elected socialist head of
state in the hemisphere. Gen. Augusto Pinochet ruled Chile brutally for the
next 17 years. In the 1980s, the United States financed the right-wing
contra guerrillas to undermine the leftist Sandinista government in
Nicaragua.
It was never an issue of a wink, said Peter Kornbluh
of the National Security Archive, a nonprofit research institute in Washington.
It was a full-scale, overt and covert policy to change governments that
we didnt like in Latin America, with an extremely strong preference for
right-wing military regimes as opposed to left-wing governments.
However, those policies generally ended in the 1990s as the United
States adopted a stance of supporting the regions emerging
democracies.
Now some regional specialists say the United States may be
returning to the old days. Their concern stems in part from President George W.
Bushs policymaking team for Latin America, which includes three central
figures from the Iran-contra scandal and dirty wars in Central
America in the 1980s.
They are Otto Reich, Bushs chief policymaker for Latin
America; Elliot Abrams, of the National Security Council; and John Negroponte,
the U.S. ambassador to the United Nations. In addition, a top Pentagon official
for Latin American affairs, Rogelio Pardo-Maurer, was a close associate of the
contra forces.
U.S. officials have confirmed that in the months and weeks leading
up to the coup against the democratically elected left-leaning Chávez, a
stream of Venezuelan businessmen, journalists, military officers and
politicians opposed to Chávez met with U.S. officials in Caracas and
Washington. They include Pedro Carmona, who replaced Chávez briefly as
president and is head of Venezuelas version of the Chamber of
Commerce.
Informal, subtle
signs
Defending the meetings, White House spokesman Ari Fleischer said,
United States officials explicitly made clear repeatedly to opposition
leaders that the United States would not support a coup. U.S. officials
say they also met with Chávez supporters. Contradicting Fleischer, a
Defense Department official told The New York Times that in the
U.S. officials meetings with Chávez foes, We were not
discouraging people. We were sending informal, subtle signs that we didnt
like this guy.
Last November, then-U.S. ambassador Donna Hrinak took the unusual
step of ordering the embassys military attaché to end his frequent
meetings with dissident Venezuelan military officials, U.S. officials said.
One turned out to be another coup leader, Vice Adm. Carlos Molina.
Hrinak issued the order because U.S. officials had learned the dissidents were
involved in illegal activities or what would be illegal activities,
said a State Department official who asked not to be named.
Venezuelan and U.S. officials are investigating allegations that
two high-level military officials from the U.S. embassy, including Army Lt.
Col. James Rogers, were at Fuerte Tiuna military base the first night of the
coup while Chávez was being held there.
The U.S. embassy initially called the allegations pure
rubbish. A month after the overthrow, it issued a statement saying the
two officials were at the base for two hours late Thursday afternoon, April 11,
just before the coup unfolded that evening. They were checking reports of troop
movements, the embassy said, and returned Saturday, April 13, during the coup
to check the general situation. Rogers has an office in the main building at
Fuerte Tiuna, Venezuelas Pentagon.
Chávez told The Washington Post that a Venezuelan
coastal radar installation detected a foreign military ship, helicopter and
airplane operating in and over Venezuelan waters that Saturday while he was
being held on a small Caribbean island and military base, La Orchila. In its
statement May 14, the embassy said that during the coup two U.S. Coast Guard
ships and a U.S. Customs airplane were participating in a U.S.-Netherlands
anti-narcotics training mission near Curacao and Aruba off Venezuelas
coast, but no U.S. military vessels or aircraft were involved.
Also raising questions is the general response of the United
States to the coup, which initially it refused to condemn. Instead, it blamed
Chávez for his own ouster. Then, on his first full day as
president, Carmona shared breakfast in the presidential palace at
about 9 a.m. with U.S. Ambassador Charles Shapiro.
It shows you the depth of the U.S. connection to this
thing, Birns said in a phone interview in late April. Its the
first few hours of his presidency. He hadnt even been sworn in
yet.
Shapiro, who served in El Salvador in the 1980s, said that at
Reichs suggestion he met with Carmona to urge him not to dissolve the
Congress. Carmona dismissed Congress anyway. He also sacked the Supreme Court,
abolished the constitution, and eliminated other hallmarks of democracy, giving
himself dictatorial powers.
The details of how the coup occurred are deepening suspicions of
U.S. involvement among critics, such as Birns, who draw parallels to the 1973
coup in Chile. They contend that Chávezs overthrow was not the
result of a spontaneous popular uprising as the coup leaders, the
U.S. government and Chávez opponents contend. Rather, they say, it was a
highly orchestrated, carefully thought-out plan by a corrupt class of business,
labor, media and military elites who are backed by the United States and who
see Chávezs peaceful revolution on behalf of
Venezuelas impoverished majority as a threat to their privileges.
This is as classic as they come, said William Blum,
author of Killing Hope: U.S. Military and CIA Interventions Since
World War II. In an April 27 interview with NCR, Blum said the CIA
was not even embarrassed to use its same methods all over
again, namely, helping to create a situation of chaos and violence that
invites the military to step in.
Union, business call a strike
On Tuesday, April 9, Fedecamaras, the nations main business
organization, headed by Carmona, and leaders of the main labor group, the
Confederation of Venezuelan Workers -- CTV -- called a 24-hour general strike.
Venezuelas business-controlled TV stations and newspapers actively
supported the walkout. TV stations preempted most regular programming with
saturation coverage of the strike and interviews with Chávez opponents
calling for his resignation or even a coup. The media coverage went on that way
for three straight days as the strike continued. By Thursday, April 11, the
strike was losing steam, but CTV head Carlos Ortega extended it indefinitely
anyway and called for a protest march to demand Chávezs
resignation.
The march started in wealthy sectors of eastern Caracas and was
diverted illegally by its organizers at the last moment from its officially
authorized route, heading straight to the presidential palace.
Near the palace, shots suddenly rang out, killing 17 people.
Initially, in a widely reported version of the events, military officers,
Chávez opponents and the U.S. government said Chávez had ordered
his supporters to open fire against the peaceful protestors. Outraged by the
bloodshed, the military officers overthrew the president.
But new evidence is emerging that shots were fired by both pro-
and anti-Chávez forces who clashed at the scene, and that people on both
sides died, according to Venezuelan investigators and eyewitnesses.
Chávezs allies contend the shooting was started by snipers on
rooftops, and that the killings were a set-up to make the president appear like
a cold-blooded murderer, giving the military an excuse to launch the coup.
Chávez told The Washington Post that four foreigners
fired high-powered rifles on the crowd from the Hotel Ausonia. They were
arrested by the military unit responsible for protecting Chávez, but
released the next day by Carmonas junta. They have since disappeared.
Venezuelan police say at least five of those killed were shot in the head from
above.
The labor group CTV, a main Chávez opponent, is a major
beneficiary of funding from the National Endowment for Democracy, a nonprofit
agency created and financed by the U.S. Congress and which played a role in the
1980s contra campaign against the Sandinista government in Nicaragua. Blum
contends -- and some endowment officials have acknowledged -- that the
endowment was created in 1983 to carry out many of the covert activities of the
CIA, which had come under fire in the late 1970s after many of its unsavory
activities were exposed. Blum asserts that the endowment remains a CIA conduit,
a charge endowment officials deny.
In the last year, the National Endowment for Democracy says it has
dispensed $877,000 to Venezuelan and American groups involved in Venezuela
including many opposed to Chávez. Beneficiaries include labor groups,
journalists and business organizations. The endowments heavy presence in
Venezuela is a guarantee of U.S. covert involvement, Blum said.
Added Steve Ellner, a political scientist at Venezuelas
Universidad de Oriente, in a late April phone interview: When the U.S.
sponsors coups, they dont usually just call in the military to overthrow
the government. They work through civil society. Thats what happened in
Chile ... and thats exactly what happened in Venezuela.
Officials of the National Endowment for Democracy deny they or the
groups they fund had anything to do with the coup. They say they assist groups
on both sides of the Chávez debate, and that their nonpartisan mission
is promoting democracy. Still, the president of one of the four main groups the
endowment channels money through, George A. Folsom of the International
Republican Institute, which is active in Venezuela, publicly hailed the coup
against Chávez.
To defend democracy
The Venezuelan people rose up to defend democracy,
Folsom said in a statement. Venezuelans were provoked into action as a
result of systematic repression by the government of Hugo
Chávez.
CTV unions Ortega, who works closely with Carmona in the
anti-Chávez movement, is not the only influential Chávez foe with
U.S. ties. Media tycoon Gustavo Cisneros, one of Latin Americas richest
men, is a longtime friend of former President George Bush. Cisneros recently
took Bush on a fishing trip in Venezuela.
Some Chávez supporters suspect Cisneros of helping to
organize the coup. On Thursday, April 11, at 11:30 a.m., hours before the coup
unfolded, leaders of Venezuelan business groups and traditional parties opposed
to Chávez gathered with U.S. Ambassador Shapiro for a private luncheon
hosted by Cisneros at his mansion.
Cisneros denies he played any role in the coup, though he spoke to
Reich, the administrations top Latin America policymaker, by telephone
during the overthrow. Reich says it was strictly to exchange information on the
situation. Cisneros and other Venezuelan media magnates met with Carmona in the
presidential palace Saturday, April 13, before he had even sworn in his
cabinet.
Venezuelan officials also have publicly accused former Venezuelan
President Carlos Andres Perez of helping organize the coup. Perez, who lives in
New York and Miami and is a close ally of Carmona and Ortega, laughs at the
allegation. Perez survived a coup attempt in 1992 led by former paratrooper
Chávez and is a fugitive wanted in Venezuela on corruption charges.
Chávez said one item his government is investigating is an
airplane he saw parked on the island of La Orchila while he was being held
there. The airplane had U.S. insignias.
The planes ownership is unclear, but for Blum what happened
April 12 in Venezuela is entirely clear. This is Chile all over
again, he said, referring to the 1973 coup against Allende. Except in
this coup, Chávez survived.
Perhaps ominously, though, Allende survived a first coup attempt
in June 1973. Three months later a second coup succeeded, leaving him dead and
Pinochet as the countrys dictator.
Bart Jones is a reporter for Newsday who worked in
Venezuela from 1992 to 2000, mainly as a foreign correspondent for the
Associated Press.
Related Web sites
Central Intelligence Agency www.cia.gov
Council on Hemispheric Affairs www.coha.org
International Republican Institute www.iri.org
National Endowment for Democracy www.ned.org
National Security Archive www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv
National Catholic Reporter, May 31,
2002
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