Jurors hear of horrors of Salvadoran civil
war
By MARIANNE ARMSHAW
West Palm Beach, Fla.
In the continuing trial of two retired Salvadoran generals for
crimes against humanity, the case shapes itself around one a pertinent
question: What did the generals know and when did they know it?
Despite a veritable monsoon of human rights complaints, reports
and accusations brought by international organizations and the U.S. government,
Gens. José Guillermo García and Carlos Eugenio Vides Casanova
have repeatedly denied that there is proof from reliable sources
that human rights abuses took place on their respective watches. The generals
have been charged in a civil proceeding with allowing their subordinates to
kidnap, rape and torture thousands of unarmed civilians.
García served as El Salvadors Minister of Defense --
then the countrys most powerful position -- from 1979 to 1983. Vides
served under him as head of the notoriously brutal National Guard before taking
over as head of the military from 1983 to 1989. Both men moved to Florida,
where they and their families have lived since 1989. The U.S. government
granted García political asylum after he claimed he received death
threats in El Salvador, though he continued to travel there frequently.
The generals were found not liable in a similar case, decided in
Florida in October 2000, in which surviving family members charged them with
responsibility for the torture, rape and murder of four American Catholic
missionaries: Maryknoll Srs. Ita Ford and Maura Clark, Ursuline Sr. Dorothy
Kazel and lay worker Jean Donovan. An appeals court upheld the not liable
verdict earlier this year.
This time the generals face three Salvadoran-born accusers who say
they survived horrific tortures meted out by the generals subordinates
during El Salvadors bloody civil war. Juan Romagoza, a physician, was
providing medical care to the poor when he was kidnapped, detained and tortured
in late 1980; Carlos Mauricio, a college professor, suffered torture and
detention at the national police headquarters in 1983; and Neris
González, then eight months pregnant, was a Catholic church worker when
National Guard troops kidnapped, raped and tortured her in 1979.
Attorneys for the plaintiffs spent nearly 10 days presenting
testimony from experts that captured for the jury the horror that was El
Salvador during its 12-year civil war. Jurors viewed explicit photos of
tortured bodies taken by Fr. Paul Schindler during his 10-year stint as a
missionary in El Salvador.
If I awoke to pounding on the front door, I knew it was a
bad morning, Schindler told the jury. Someone had been taken
overnight.
The case for the plaintiffs wove together thousands of reports of
human rights abuses delivered to the generals and the government of El Salvador
from organizations such as Amnesty International, the U.N. Truth Commission,
the Organization of American States and the U.S. government. Asked if the
generals knew of human rights abuses, former U.S. Ambassador Robert White
answered flatly: They knew. There was no way they could not have
known. White served as ambassador to El Salvador under the Carter
administration.
In two days of testimony, expert witness Terry Karl, a Stanford
University political science professor, painted a picture of a military
unrestrained by civilian oversight and protected by a code of silence among
officers, who saw the military as a path to riches and power.
Karl quoted extensively from declassified government cables,
including a 1982 report from U.S. Ambassador Dean Hinton to Secretary of State
Al Haig warning that stories of human rights violations could endanger the flow
of military aid to El Salvador, which would reach $200 million by 1983:
As I have said before, we are hostage to malevolent forces seemingly
beyond our control. While García talks good game, I no longer trust or
believe him.
As of press time, the case was expected to climax with testimony
from González, who endured torture so brutal that her son, born with
broken bones and other severe injuries, died within weeks.
All three plaintiffs now live in the United States. Romagoza
testified earlier that Vides saw him at least twice during his detention,
including a visit to the torture chamber where Romagoza lay beaten, naked and
bleeding.
Carlos Mauricio held the jury spellbound as he recounted his
torture in secret cells within the National Police headquarters.
As in the nuns case, the accusers must bring convincing
proof not only that they suffered torture, but that the generals knew or should
have known that subordinates were committing human rights abuses. This
principle, known as command responsibility forms a linchpin of
cases brought under the Torture Victims Protection Act. The trio of lawyers for
the alleged torture victims must show that García and Vides had
effective control over troops and nonmilitary personnel and thus could have
stopped the abuses that left 75,000 dead -- most of them unarmed civilians,
according to the U.N. Truth Commission.
During cross-examination, defense attorney Kurt Klaus repeatedly
suggested that the accusers are motivated by money, since the suits ask that
damages be awarded, and that they are pawns of the Center for Justice and
Accountability, the San Francisco-based legal rights organization that helped
investigate their cases and bring the suit. The center won a $66 million
judgment against an Indonesian general for victims of the East Timor
atrocities.
Klaus told one reporter that the generals have few financial
resources. They have no money. I dont know what [the plaintiffs]
think they are going to get, he said.
Marianne Armshaw is a writer and photographer living in South
Florida.
Related Web site
Center for Justice and Accountability www.cja.org
National Catholic Reporter, July 19,
2002
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