After September 11: Is a Conflict of
Civilizations Inevitable?
Notes for the Presentation of Archbishop Diarmuid Martin to the
Religion and Cultures: Between Conflict and Dialogue summit in
SantEgidio, September 1-3, 2002.
Archbishop Martin is Apostolic Nuncio, Permanent Observer of
the Holy See to United Nations and International Organizations at Geneva and to
the World Trade Organization.
Monday, Sept. 2, 2002
(translation by NCR)
Is a conflict of civilizations inevitable? To this question the
believer must respond with a no without equivocations. Religious
communities - while recognizing the errors of the past - must feel themselves,
after Sept. 11, called in a greater way to realize their specific vocation of
being witnesses in the world to the unity of the human family, according to the
design of God. It is a vision of the unity of the human family that promotes at
the same time the dignity of every single person, and the integrity of all
creation. The believer must be a person of hope; a person of hope who does not
yield before what others consider inevitable; a person who spreads hope, like
the capacity to face that which seems impossible to others.
The message that must leave this meeting in Palermo will have to
be that of a choral no to conflict, reinforced by an incisive
witness for peace. Here in Palermo we must seek to give a living and concrete
witness of the possibility that religious leaders can face their differences in
a spirit that favors concretely peaceful coexistence among persons and
cultures. Were dealing with a coexistence marked by mutual respect and
reciprocal love.
Is a conflict of civilizations inevitable? If one looks at the
world from another perspective, that of certain attitudes and certain political
orientations that emerged in the period after Sept. 11, the answer,
unfortunately, could seem to be yes. In front of such a
quasi-inevitable yes, we believers should urgently create new
alliances that will render such a yes at least less possible.
The same evening of the attacks of Sept. 11, when we were still
under the shock of the events and uncertain about their meaning, a new
certainty took over: the certainty of being in a new war, the war against
terrorism.
No one places in doubt the necessity of combating terrorism,
without ambiguity. We are all in agreement in affirming the necessity of
stopping the insane desire of a few persons to impose their ideology of hate
upon all, with violent means, that moreover have their most disastrous effects
upon innocent persons, often the poor. Our culture of tolerance must not
diminish our capacity to express disdain and condemnation when its a
matter of violence against the innocent. The hand of the aggressor must be
stopped.
The war against terrorism, however, is a new form of war. It is a
war against an enemy that is difficult to identify, that does not live in a
geographically stable zone, that does not represent a nation or a people in the
traditional sense. The terrorism of Sept. 11 is not comparable with the
terrorist movements that struggle for a precise cause or for a territory. The
new terrorist of Sept. 11 is a citizen par excellence of global society.
The new terrorism is more definable as a pathological deviation of the process
of globalization.
But the war against terrorism is new in another sense. A war
against terrorism - by definition - cannot be anything other than a war in
favor of the rule of law. It is a war that seeks to restore, in a wounded
world, respect for the human person and his or her rights; it is a war that
does not seek simply to block an enemy, but to favor an equitable coexistence
among persons, populations and diverse cultures.
Paradoxically, when the war against terrorism is defined in this
way, its clear that it is a war that will not be able to be fought with
just the traditional arms. Neither violence in itself, nor the demonstration of
ones military superiority, nor the pragmatic pacts of realpolitik
are the instruments suited to the creation of a new vision of human
coexistence. They can, in fact, provoke the opposite result.
In the struggle for the rule of law, in the struggle in favor of
equitable relations, there is no place for hypocrisy and spin. If
the means utilized in the struggle are distinguished by incoherence or by the
desire to reinforce ones own position of supremacy, the goal will never
be able to be met. The war against terrorism, if it is a war for the rule of
law and for equity, must be conducted with coherence and taken all the way to
the end.
The problem is that in todays world there is tremendous
political incoherence. How many double standards are there? How
much instrumentalization of public opinion? We live in a strangely
sophisticated society, which has at the same time a tendency towards
superficial credulity. As soon as conflicts disappear from the television
screen, we manage to suppress them from our memory. Our concern endures only
for a few minutes. We are an international community with a short memory and a
brief capacity for concentration.
In an environment such as that of the United Nations in Geneva,
the success of the United Nations in the transition in East Timor is justly
celebrated. But I was greatly struck by an article that appeared in the
Herald Tribune last Friday, written by Bishop Carlos Filipe Ximenes Belo
of Dili. It was a cry of the heart towards the community of nations, almost the
last cry of a person - and behind his voice that of an entire people - that
screams: Dont abandon us now!, What you undertook with
courage you now must carry to the end. But I am afraid that the
international community believes it has already done its duty, and
that, after the elections and the ceremonies, its now time to back its
bags and move on.
Bishop Belo, while recognizing the courage and the effectiveness
of the international intervention, draws attention to its unfinished work: the
unemployment rate that hovers around 80 percent, the insecurity of the
population, its fear. East Timor suffers from a rate of infant mortality among
the highest in the world. Many houses are still in ruins. A war in favor of the
rule of law and of equity in relations among peoples is not won with the
proclamation of a new constitution, but only with the true functioning of
institutions, of law, of the equity and security of a people. Independence
should mean the capacity of a people to take in hand its own destiny.
If there is one of the characteristics of traditional wars that
must also be applied to the war against terrorism, it is the affirmation of
John Paul II: War is a road without return. Just as armed conflict
has its logic, also the war in favor of the rule of law has its own logic that
must be followed to the end. The less great social injustices and inequalities
are confronted, the more one runs the risk of reinforcing the climate of
insecurity that has contributed, and that will contribute, to fomenting the
terrorism that the war should eliminate.
In these reflections of mine, I have utilized often the term
rule of law. But the Christian - and I am certain that the
representatives of the other faiths will be able to find similar sentiments in
their own traditions - cannot be satisfied with this. The Christian is called
to favor the rule of love, what Paul VI called the
civilization of love.
Evidently such a vision is difficult to comprehend for those who
prepare war or who place their trust in realpolitik. The exponents of
realpolitik will be tempted to label any politics of values, in fact, as
something dangerous. But the struggle against terrorism, if it does want to
limit itself simply to the elimination of certain personalities held to be
dangerous, becomes by virtue of its nature a struggle for values, a struggle in
favor of coexistence among peoples. Such a struggle requires that we look at
the other, and above all at the poor, not as a potential enemy, a potential
illegal immigrant, or a potential terrorist, but as a brother who has the same
right as I do to realize his own capacities received from God.
Paul VI affirmed that development is the new name of
peace. The war against terrorism will carry us towards peace only to the
extent it sustains a new vision of human development and of solidarity.
A war for the rule of law will not be able to take as its point of
departure the safeguarding of ones own interests, much less ones
own privilege, as something non-negotiable. One example is the commercial
protectionism practiced by the same countries that propose the free market as
one of the future fruits of the war against terrorism. The war against
terrorism will not be won with the imposition of our positions, much less with
the imposition of our men in arms, but only to the extent sustainable
communities are created that promote the fundamental values of human
coexistence. Coexistence requires also respect for difference. A pluralistic
world will not be built by a coalition of only the like-minded.
The great weapon of the war against terrorism will have to be that
of trust and respect towards other people, and the will to assist them to
realize their capacity to guide their own destiny. The war against terrorism
will not be won with some quick fix that resolves tensions for the
moment, disregarding a sustainable future for all.
The war against terrorism is a new form of war. I am not certain,
however, if all the combatants understand the extent to which it is a new form
of war. If they do not face the problems with coherence and in depth, such a
war will produce a yet more serious conflict of civilizations. If, however, it
is conducted all the way to the end as a war in favor of the rule of law and a
vision of the unity of the human family, it will promote a dialogue among
civilizations that leads to an enduring peace. The response is yet to be
seen.
National Catholic Reporter, Posted September 18,
2002
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